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REFLECTIONS
ON AGRICULTURE IN MOIDART BETWEEN 1750 AND 1850
By
Tim Roberton
Since
the beginning of the eighteenth century, farming practices in
parts of the United Kingdom had been undergoing a revolution,
influenced by forward thinkers such as "Turnip" Townsend
and King George. Fields were enclosed, winter feed preserved,
new crops introduced and soil improved. These practices were
slower in finding their way into the Western Highlands.
The 1795 Statistical Accounts for Moidart show three ploughs
in the district whilst the later 1845 Account shows that output
of sheep, cattle and potatoes had doubled in the intervening
fifty years. But the land was hard. Even in the mid-nineteenth
century, only half the land in Moidart was tilled by plough
with the other half still being turned by spade.
Against
this background, there were huge population increases.
Some
of the extracts below come from commentators writing one hundred
years and more ago. So, although they may have been nearer to
the subject than the modern reader, the views they express are
sometimes slightly dated.
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Introduction
In 1750 Moidart
was described as a land of black cattle and drovers, of fishermen and
farmers. But it suffered in the period after the 1745 rebellion, from
overpopulation and from poverty. Tenants in Glenmoidart were reported
to have said that whilst for six months a year they could live comfortably,
they had to endure for the other six months in downright starvation. In
1790 and 1791 alone, over a hundred are reported to have left the district.
Many, many more left in the fifty years to follow.
The 1795
Statistical Account shows Moidart to have had sixty farmers and drovers,
three ploughs, twenty four horses, more than one thousand cattle and more
than ten thousand sheep. The sheep may well have been of the inferior
breed referred to by Osgood McKenzie in one of the extracts which follow.
Fifty years
later, after almost continuous emigration from the district and, although
the level of output was higher, the 1845 Account shows only a modest agricultural
advance. By then of course the runrig system had in the main, disappeared.
The 1845
report comments that "carts are not uncommon and several good iron
ploughs are in use". At this time, The Agricultural Associated met
annually at Strontian under the Presidency of Sir James Milles Riddell
Bart.
Set out in
the paragraphs which follow are facts and comments from a number of different
writers and from a number of different perspectives covering the period
1750 - 1850. These trace life under the runrig system and, subsequent
survival in a landscape, which although moving towards enclosure and crofting,
still required much of the agricultural activity to be personal and back-breaking.
The writings and the historical evidence support the fact that despite
the Agricultural Revolution, life in Moidart was extremely hard - so hard
in fact, that most of the inhabitants left. Of course, the reasons behind
the exodus were far more complex than purely agricultural, but understanding
a part of the agricultural background helps place other matters into context.
Today in
Moidart, there are visible traces all over the landscape from the period
1750 - 1850. There are lazy-beds and head dykes, shielings and kale yards,
fanks and farmsteads and other marks of a rural population, now long departed
for another life elsewhere.
In 1755,
Moidart was described by Neilson in the following terms
"At
the head of the Loch is the Ruins of the House of McDonald of Kinlochmoydart
situated upon a small plain upwards of a mile long, and three quarters
of a mile Broad divided by a River and surrounded with high hills
.
The whole Country is very mountaineous, and only fitt for breeding and
Grassing of Cattle
.
.The oats are sown betwixt the midle of
March and the midle of April, and a little Barley about the beginning
of May. The Harvest begins about the middle of September. The oats which
are of a Small grey kind produce about Three fold and for these two or
three years bypast there have been planted a few potatoes". Second
Report to the Commissioners and Trustees for Improving Fisheries and Manufactures
in Scotland. by Richard Neilson. 1755 (excerpts)
"Some
of the Cottars are allowed a little Cottage with Grassing for two or three
Cows. They are obliged to manure the Arable Ground of the farm on their
own Charge, being further allowed the fourth part of the Corn produced.
Others of them are allowed a Small piece of Ground (which they labour
on their own account) and the Grassing of two or three Cows, for which
they are obliged to labour the Landlords arable Ground on their proper
Charge, but when otherwise imployed in his Service, he is obliged to maintain
them". Ibid
How the
runrig system operated
Runrig
(1) - Perhaps the most serious obstacle to progress in agriculture
was the almost universal system of runrig
..the land was redivided
by lot each year or put up for auction. The tenants had their cottages
clustered together, forming what was called a farm "town". The
quarrels and the misunderstandings between these men were violent and
incessant. Each had his own obstinate opinion on ploughing, sowing and
reaping, that the bickering might cause a lapse of weeks before all consented
to work together. So jealous were they of their neighbours that each one
made his rig as high as possible, so that none of the soil should be carried
to his neighbour's ground. Each alternate ridge had a different tenant
and were usually 20 feet wide, crooked like a prolonged S and very high.
Only the crown of the rig was ploughed and half the width between them
was taken up by huge "baulks" or open spaces filled with briars,
nettles, stones and water. The Social Life of Scotland in the Eighteenth
Century. H Grey Graham. Pages 152 - 186
If one man
dared to cultivate a neglected bit of ground, the others denounced him
for infringing on their right of grazing on the outfields. Ibid
With a system
so atrocious, with land uncleaned, unlimed, unmanured, undrained, it frequently
happened that the yield could not feed the inhabitants of the district.
In consequence of the bulk of their crops consisting of only gray oats,
when the meal failed them - which always happened when bad seasons came
- the people were in destitution and despair. This helplessness fostered
in them a sense of awe and a dependence on Providence, which gave a peculiar
power to ministers. Ibid
Runrig
(2) - Some, but by no means all townships were farmed by small groups
of tenants, holding their lands in the form of runrig open fields. At
the most, the open field system represented by these runrig townships
rarely involved more than 100 acres. This runrig was either cultivated
on an arable/grass or an infield/outfield basis. The History of Soils
and Field Systems, edited by S Foster and TC Smout
Runrig
(3) - The sub division of arable land amongst the various landholders
of a fermtoun or township, such that an individual tenant held land, usually
based on the plough rig, intermixed with his co-tenants throughout the
lands of a toun. This required a communal system of management. Ibid
Runrig
(4) - "In the days of the runrig system there was no incentive
to improve your patch, for what you had one year one of your neighbours
probably had next
.In spite of all this, and although the only implements
of husbandry were the caschrom (plough) and croman (hoe)
.more crop
was raised out of the soil then than there is now
The modern crofter
has given up these implements and hires ponies and an inefficient plough
.They
scratch over the ground in an inefficient way to a depth of a few inches,
all the head rigs and difficult stony bits being left untouched
In
the old caschrom days every inch of ground was cultivated, even among
boulders, where the best soil is often found and which no plough can go
near
and how beautifully the women used to weed the potatoes by hand..and
how beautifully they earthed up with the cromanan. - A Hundred Years
in the Highlands, Osgood Mackenzie, page 154
Runrig
(5) - "Periodic Runrig" comprises strips reallocated at
intervals amongst husbandmen; "Fixed Runrig" were strips permanently
associated with a single holding; "Rundale" was where some strips
had been consolidated into blocks which themselves lay intermingled with
those of other joint tenants. TC Smout, A History of the Scottish People
1560-1830 p 122
Rig (6)
- There are many types of ridge and furrow and rig (cord-rig/broad or
reverse S rig/narrow curving rig/narrow straight rig/). The last named
is widely spread in Scotland where improved agriculture was practised
prior to the introduction of underground drains. The History of Soils
and Field Systems, edited by S Foster and TC Smout
The old Scotch
plough - was unwieldy but served its purpose well. It needed a large team
to pull it and because of this, turning in a headland caused some of the
team to start turning before the plough had finished the row, leading
to "reverse S" rig formations. An improved plough made by James
Small was developed at the end of the eighteenth century; this produced
straight narrow strips and was widely used until the introduction of underground
drainage tiles in the second quarter of the nineteenth century. Ibid
Infield/Outfield
(1) - A rotational system of cropping land, based upon an infield
core, regularly manured and cropped and a wider area of ground that was
temporarily taken in and cropped as required. Ibid
Infield/Outfield
(2) - The land nearest the house - the infield was manured and there
was a constant succession of two crops, one year oats, next year barley.
The Social Life of Scotland in the Eighteenth Century. H Grey Graham.
Pages 152 - 186
Six times
larger was the outfield, - wretched unkempt, untended ground, - each portion
of which was put perpetually to oats, or more usually for three years
in succession; and thereafter it lay for another three or four years fallow.
Ground was cultivated till it produced only two seeds for every one sown;
the third year being called the "wersh crop" as it was miserable
alike in quality and quantity. Ibid
There were
no enclosures, neither dyke nor hedge between fields, so that when the
harvest began, or the cereals were young, the cattle were either tethered
or tended by herds who took them out every morning over the same route
where they picked up whatever whins or weeds they could find and, after
being chased out of every unenclosed and tempting field of corn, were
brought back at night half famished and wholly exhausted. When the harvest
was over, the cattle wandered all over the place, till the land became
a dirty dreary common; the whole being saturated by the water which stood
in the holes made by their hooves. Ibid
The methods
of tillage were supremely clumsy and primitive. The ploughs were enormous,
unwieldy constructions, which being all made of wood, except the coulter
and the share, could be made in the forenoon for a shilling. Ibid
Head dykes
(1) - Many medieval or later field systems were characterised by a
head dyke or a ring dyke that encloses the main area of arable of a farm
within an earthen bank, or bank and ditch. It is difficult to say how
early this form of enclosure was employed. Many of the recorded head dykes
are demonstrably later features indicative perhaps of pressures on the
common grazings in the post-medieval period. The History of Soils and
Field Systems, edited by S Foster and TC Smout
Head Dykes
(2) - Communally built around the in-by land to keep cattle out The
Shieling 1600-1840 The Case of the central Scottish Highlands, Albert
Bil
Tathing
(1) - Confining cattle or sheep within an area of the outfield to
manure it. The History of Soils and Field Systems, edited by S Foster
and TC Smout
Tathing
(2) - Inland, crofters would choose a piece of level land, then surround
them with a low dyke of stones and turf, just sufficiently high to stop
the cows from getting over. Into these the cattle would be driven after
being milked in the evening to pass the night
for perhaps three weeks,
until the wise men in the community considered they had sufficiently manured
that particular plot
In the following spring these manured achaidhnan
(fields) were turned over by caschrom
good crop of aboriginal black
barley. - A Hundred Years in the Highlands, Osgood Mackenzie, page
154
Poindlers
(1) - People empowered to impound straying cattle and levy a fine.
The Shieling 1600-1840 The Case of the central Scottish Highlands,
Albert Bil
Poind
(2) - 1. To take (property of a debtor) in execution or by way of
distress; distrain. 2. to impound (stray cattle etc). The Collins English
Dictionary
Moving
on
Doing
away with runrig (1) - The Agricultural Revolution of the generations
after 1760 enclosed the Scottish fields, broke down the rigs, consolidated
the strips, drained the stagnant mosses, took in common, changed the crops
and the rotations, and destroyed for ever the traditions of husbandry
which, hallowed and inefficient as it was, had dictated the framework
of life for most Scots for as long as our knowledge of agrarian history
goes back. TC Smout, A History of the Scottish People 1560-1830 p 302
Doing
away with runrig (2) - By 1775 crofting began to be introduced and
was a radical innovation. In the middle decades of the century the joint
tenancy was still the dominant social formation in the western Highlands
with land cultivated in runrig, pasture held in common and strong communal
traditions associated with the tasks of herding, harvesting, peat cutting
and repair. Over less than three generations the joint farms were removed
and replaced by a structure of separate smallholdings or crofts
According
to propagandists at this time such as Sir John Sinclair, it was explicit
in the new order, that straths would become sheep runs and that the people
should be relocated on crofts on the coast and earn their living primarily
by fishing, kelping and other bi-employments
indeed the crofts were
planned at such a size that the occupants would need to look for new jobs
.
Eighteenth Century Scotland, New Perspectives, TM Devine and JR Young,
page 231, Essay by Thomas M Devine
Doing
away with runrig (3) - The Gairloch people were indeed devoted to
their proprietor in those days
.Still, when my mother and my uncle
were ruling these five hundred to six hundred families of crofters it
was an extra hard time for them, for first there was the potato blight
- and want generally brings out the bad and not the good qualities of
a people; then there was the great upheaval caused by the trustees deciding
to do away with the runrig system and dividing all the arable land into
crofts of about four acres. They forced the people to pull down their
old insanitary houses, where the cattle were under the same roof as human
beings, and where the fires were on the floor in the centre of the dwelling
room, with only a hole in the roof to let the smoke out, and made them
build new and rather better houses on their crofts, the proprietors providing
the timber
.There is no doubt that the people of the west coast went
through periods of terrible hunger
.especially before the introduction
of the potato
.But even prior to the destruction caused by the potato
blight, when the potatoes usually grew so well, there was hardly a year
in which my grandfather and my father did not import cargoes of oatmeal
to keep the people alive, and those cargoes were seldom, if ever, paid
for by their poor recipients. - A Hundred Years in the Highlands, Osgood
Mackenzie, page 147
Doing
away with runrig (4) - Demand for kelp, the ashes of sea weed used
for glass making and soap; of oak bark for tanning and charcoal for smelting,
wherever sea transport made the timber accessible; of fishery exploitation
coupled with the hoped for abolition of runrig and cooperative methods
of farming, meant major changes were on the way in the Highlands. However,
instead of the emergence of a class of indigenous and wealthy farmers
side by side with landless labourers, as happened in many other parts
of rural Scotland, in the Highlands, the peasant society regrouped and
based themselves on the small-holding rather than the joint farm. In this
case, neither the peasants, nor ultimately the landowners, were better
off than they had been previously, a situation somewhat mirrored in Ireland.
TC Smout, A History of the Scottish People 1560-1830 p 347
Despite
the Agricultural Revolution, there was insufficient arable to sustain
the population and, people still tilled by hand, land which could not
be ploughed
Lazy-beds
(feannagan) (1) - Ridges raised mainly by the use of a spade or caschrom,
2 m to 5 m wide, sometimes the furrows being even wider than the ridge
where the soil is shallow. Unlike plough-rig, they are often on slopes
far too steep for the plough-team to negotiate
.Lazy-bedding is more
labour-intensive than ploughing, but more productive, an important consideration
if arable is at a premium. The History of Soils and Field Systems,
edited by S Foster and TC Smout
Lazy-beds
(2) - Before the potato blight in the early forties, it was fairly
easy to raise food anywhere near the coast, where sea-ware was procurable.
Though most of the ground consisted of poor peaty soil amongst stones
and rocks, sea-ware with its potash would generally force a crop - -often
a bumper crop - of potatoes out of almost any soil, even though wet and
boggy, if it was made into what were known as "lazy beds". -
A Hundred Years in the Highlands, Osgood Mackenzie, page 154
Lazy-beds
(3) - One way of growing potatoes in the wilds was by substituting
bracken for sea-ware and making "lazy beds" of it where the
soil was fairly deep and moist. The bracken was cut in July when at its
richest
.ditches were opened about six feet apart and the soil from
the ditches put on the bracken so that it had a covering of six to eight
inches of earth on it
.left for nine months to decay till spring
came round again
.holes bored in with a "dibble" and seed
potatoes dropped in. - A Hundred Years in the Highlands, Osgood Mackenzie,
page 154
Animals
The impact
of livestock on Agriculture -
In 1755,
Neilson reported that the Black Cattle are either sold to the Drovers
in the month of May, or towards the latter end of the Season who carry
them to the fairs of Falkirk and Crieff. Second Report to the Commissioners
and Trustees for Improving Fisheries and Manufactures in Scotland. by
Richard Neilson. 1755 (excerpts)
Within two
decades of Culloden, the changing economic circumstances of the whole
country transmitted a rising demand for Highland products, particularly
cattle. This brought the promise of material rewards for the exploiter
of Highland resources on a scale quite without parallel in previous history.
Cattle were the export and oats the import, but between 1740 and 1790
the price of cattle rose by 300%, whilst oats did not quite double. The
price of wool began to rise too. The organising of sheep farming, unlike
cattle, was incompatible with peasant husbandry and any response to the
rising demand for wool would entail a basic change in land and tenure.
TC Smout, A History of the Scottish People 1560-1830 p 345
By the end
of the eighteenth century, under the old order of farming the sheep had
been an all purpose subsistence animal supplying wool, milk, dung and
mutton, but increasingly in the latter part of the eighteenth century
it became a commercial animal prized for its wool and meat. Even in the
late 1770s it was reckoned that the long coarse wool of the Blackface
was worth double the value of the native (Whiteface) sheep's wool
The
commercial sheep farm consisted mainly of wintering grounds and summer
pasture, but usually there was also some arable, enough meadowland for
a few cows and grass enclosure for rams. The availability of wintering
grounds in particular determined the type of sheep farming practised
.One
feature was that farmers provided no supplementary fodder except the grazing
of the winter stubble and pastures that had been hained in the summer
months. The entire hay and straw produced on the farm was earmarked for
the cows and horses on the farm. Even in times of acute food shortage
the sheep were not fed
.The shepherd was an indispensable person
on a sheep farm
..Many had journeyed northwards from Southern Scotland
in the 1760s and possibly again in the 1780s
Smearing was also a
practice associated with the new ideas of sheep husbandry. Sheep, because
they were kept increasingly out of doors, were dressed with tar and grease
to protect them from the cold and also to improve the quality of the wool.
The Shieling 1600-1840, The Case of the Central Scottish Highlands,
Albert Bil, page 314
In about
1800, Osgood Mackenzie speculated that there were but few sheep kept,
and they were all of the Seana chaoirich bheaga (little old sheep) breed,
with pink noses and very fine wool, quite different from the modern black
faced sheep, much less hardy, and accustomed to be more or less housed
at night. - A Hundred Years in the Highlands, Osgood Mackenzie, page
154
The potato makes its way to the Highlands
The point
in the eighteenth century, however, where the potato ceased to be a vegetable
grown in the kitchen garden or the kailyards of the principal farm tenants
and became widely recognised as a field crop is difficult to pinpoint.
Certainly by 1755 the Annexed Estates factors advocated in their reports
to their Edinburgh headquarters the cultivation of potatoes beyond the
garden and the kailyard
The potential of the potato to solve the
shortage of pasture and animal foodstuffs during the winter months must
have been influenced by the impact that the potato was already making
on the human population by then. It has been claimed that the potato was
the single most important innovation in basic diet between 1600 and 1800
Unknowingly the humble potato was to be a god-send, for a crop which produced
tenfold yields in comparison to the threefold returns of the oats and
the fourfold returns of the bear permitted population growth without necessitating
an accompanying rise in the amount of land under cultivation and helped
to stave off hunger and starvation when grain harvests were poor or failed
in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The Shieling
1600-1840, The Case of the Central Scottish Highlands, Albert Bil, page
288
The coming
of the potato as a common field crop in the decades after 1760 provided
the means to support a large population in a small area. It was possible
for peasants to divide and divide again small-holdings, giving the occupiers
the delusion that they had some sort of prescriptive right to hold land
in clan territory. Furthermore, landowners were ambivalent, they had the
need of a large work force to gather kelp and they enjoyed lots of people
on their land as a sentimental reference to the recent past. TC Smout,
A History of the Scottish People 1560-1830 p 348
There
was a population explosion between 1750 - 1850
Large population
increases had been taking place in the Highlands. Skye had risen from
13,000 in 1755 to 24,500 in 1811; Mull and southern Inner Hebrides from
10,000 to 18,000. This meant that what had been small farms, now became
tiny farms. TC Smout, A History of the Scottish People 1560-1830 p
349
Population of the Highlands shown on census returns to be 362,000. Highland
Folk Ways, IF Grant, page 53
By 1830,
the Highlanders had become a society of small-holders living in great
poverty on congested holdings either on crowded islands or next to extensive
sheep farms: their existence hung above all else upon the condition of
the potato crop, and if this failed (as it did so tragically in the 1840s)
nothing could prevent the collapse of their economy and a subsequent exodus
on a scale that would eclipse by far the Sutherland clearances. TC
Smout, A History of the Scottish People 1560-1830 p 358
The failure
of the Irish potato crop occurred in 1846. British Parliament repealed
the Corn Laws. A New History of Great Britain, Mowat, page 603.
During the
same year during the winter months consumption of seed corn occurred in
Lewis, Barra, South Uist, Harris, Skye, Arisaig and Moidart. Great
Highland Famine, TM Devine and John Donald 1988
It was also
reported that William Robertson, who had a sheep farm at Kinlochmoidart,
discovered that there was more to his lease than wool and mutton
'I
believe that one fourth of the population of my estate would have died
of famine ere now, had I not supplied them with food. This I have hitherto
done at vast expense, inconvenience and sacrifice. Were it not for an
imperative sense of duty, I would not remain in the Highlands and see
so much that pains me.'" The Highland Clearances, John Prebble
page 178
By the Spring
of 1847, almost all the able-bodied men in Arisaig and Moidart had gone
to seek work in the lowlands. Great Highland Famine p321 TM Devine
and John Donald 1988 temporary Migration and the Crofting Region, parish
Patterns in the 1840s - Jean Lawson
Central Board
figures and, those from Estate and Poor Law records for 1850 showed "acute
distress concentrated in the Ardnamurchan peninsula and the parishes of
Arisaig, Moidart, Glenelg, Kintail and Lochcarron". Great Highland
Famine p46 TM Devine and John Donald 1988-JL
From the
mid 1850s, estate policy was not violent eviction, but the quiet encouragement
to remove, the easing out of a people who could often pay little rent
and who might become a substantial liability if they stayed. A Century
of the Scottish People 1830-1950, TC Smout, page 69
Too little
too late for a swollen population most of whom left
During the
hundred years between 1750 and 1850, the rural community in the Western
Highlands had moved from a feudal clan relationship into an impoverished
and overcrowded peasantry. Mass emigration abroad during the whole of
this period offered for many, the only option. Some were offered assisted
passages, reaching a crescendo at the time when the failure of the potato
crop occurred in the mid-nineteenth century.
But that
is another story.

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